Monday, October 13, 2014
Outrage in Mexico as Disappeared Students' Bodies are Found
Swelling outrage over a police massacre
and the forced disappearance of scores of students swept Mexico and the world [last] week.
Tens of thousands of demonstrators demanded justice for six people killed September 26 and 27 by municipal police
officers and paramilitary gunmen in Iguala, Guerrero, as well as the safe return of 43 Mexican students from the Raul Isidro
Burgos Rural Teachers College of Ayotzinapa reported kidnapped and disappeared by the same aggressors.
"Your dignified rage is our rage," stated a communiqué from the general
command of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), shortly before 20,000 masked Zapatistas staged a silent march October
8 through the streets of San Cristobal de las Casas in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas.
On the other side of the country, hundreds of people marched in Ciudad Juarez in the biggest local demonstration
of its kind in more than three years. The demonstration was led by students from Ayotzinapa's sister school of Saucillo,
Chihuahua. At the march's conclusion protesters blockaded the Bridge of the Americas connecting Juarez with neighboring
El Paso, Texas, for a half-hour on the evening of October 8.
dozens of Juarez civil society organizations, academics, writers and cultural workers published an open letter to the parents
of the Ayotzinapa students.
Extending their sympathy to the bereaved
parents, the signatories noted that Ciudad Juarez and the state of Chihuahua, where thousands have perished in drug and state-fueled
violence in recent years, intimately know "the pain and tragedy" the people of Guerrero are undergoing at the moment.
Pledging to carefully monitor the Mexican federal government's investigation
of the Iguala crimes, the letter's endorsers wrote that last month's massacre was carried out with the intention of
imposing a "politics of terror" in order to annihilate criticism of "illegitimate governments that have diverted
the use of power to favor a sick minority."
The letter was signed
by the Paso del Norte Human Rights Center, Casa Amiga, Citizens Medical Committee, Pastoral Obrera, Casa YMCA del Menor Migrante,
the Popular Independent Organization, and many other local organizations.
largest October 8 demonstration was reported in Chilpancingo, the state capital of Guerrero and not far from Ayotzinapa, where
a crowd variously estimated to range from 20,000 to 50,000 people marched through the streets and rallied in the central plaza.
"We are all Ayotzi," chanted throngs of students, parents,
small farmers, community police and others. "They took them alive. We want them back alive!" Additionally, the demonstrators
demanded the ouster of Guerrero Governor Angel Aguirre.
A retired school
teacher, Maria Luisa Antonio de la O, helped other women pass out oranges to the marchers. "We are mothers and what was
done to those boys pained us," de la O said.
Altogether, the Mexican
media reported pro-Ayotzinapa actions in at least 25 of Mexico's 31 states and Federal District. In addition to the EZLN
march in San Cristobal de las Casas, the national teachers' union and other organizations mobilized 45,000 protesters
in Tuxtla Gutierrez and several other Chiapas cities.
In Guadalajara about
7,000 people protested, whereas teachers spearheaded airport, highway and Pemex facility blockades in Oaxaca. A major highway
was blockaded in Michoacan by protesters.
In central Mexico, about 2,000
university students staged actions in Leon and Guanajuato, with the young people specifically targeting the inaugural day
of the internationally famous Cervantino Festival in the latter city. Students released white balloons bearing the names of
the disappeared students and chanted, "Why? Why do you kill us if we are the hope of Latin America?"
In Mexico City, parents of the disappeared students and Ayotzinapa alumni joined in an action
that drew thousands to the Zocalo main plaza. In comments to reporters, Ayotzinapa graduate Jose Angel Sanchez recalled other
episodes of repression and smear campaigns against his alma matter, which has a reputation for militancy in support of popular
Founded in the 1930s as part of a network of new government-run
teacher preparation colleges designed to bring literacy to the countryside, Ayotzinapa and other rural teacher colleges in
Mexico attract low-income, socially-committed students.
and understand the history of struggle of the school and feel proud," Sanchez said. "They can accuse us of whatever,
but we are not murderers...."
Reflecting in part the activism of
the far-flung Mexican diaspora, October 8 solidarity demonstrations were held in Berlin, Buenos Aires, London, San Francisco,
Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, Montreal, Barcelona, Madrid, Brussels, and Manchester, England.
Reminiscent of previous years, Mexico's human rights record is in the glare of the international spotlight. In
the months prior to the Iguala Massacre, the imprisonment of community police and self-defense movement leaders Nestora Salgado
and Dr. Jose Mireles attracted international attention.
So did the June
30 shootings of 22 young people in Tlatlaya, Mexico City, whose deaths were initially reported as the result of an armed confrontation
with Mexican soldiers. Evidence later surfaced of a firing squad-style mass execution, prompting legal charges against four
In Guerrero, the September 26 assault on the Ayotzinapa
students added another level of horror to the spiral of violence aimed at social movement leaders and activists in the Pacific
Since 2009 numerous, prominent activists like Rocio Mesino
and Arturo Hernandez Cardona have been murdered, while others including Nestora Salgado and Marco Antonio Suastegui have been
imprisoned. Eva Alarcon and Marciel Bautista, leaders of the Campesino Environmentalist Organization of Petatlan and Coyuca
de Catatlan, were reportedly abducted by policemen in 2011 and remain missing to this day.
Jose Miguel Vivanco, Americas director for Human Rights Watch, judged Ayotzinapa the worst politically-tainted human
rights atrocity in Mexico since the Tlatelolco Massacre of 1968, when hundreds of Mexican students were mowed down by the
army and other security forces.
In a Washington press conference, Vivanco
spoke about a letter his group was sending to Mexican Interior Minister Miguel Angel Osorio Chong. Expanding on the theme
of forced disappearance, the letter demanded that the Mexican government publicize the cases of more than 22,000 people missing
"There is an enormous improvisation, "Vivanco said
about Mexico's overall human rights policy. "Human rights are a secondary theme and there is only reaction to bigger
scandals when public opinion demands answers and the media prompts it."
events surrounding Ayotzinapa are likely to have major if still unforeseen political consequences. Mexican political pundits
have been filling the airwaves, print media and cyberspace with commentaries on a deepening crisis of state, the emergence
of a new authoritarian political regime grafted onto a narco-state, and the wholesale disregard of human rights.
The Iguala Massacre may have been the final straw for several leftist guerrilla organizations,
including the Popular Revolutionary Army, Revolutionary Army of the Insurgent People (ERPI), Revolutionary Armed Forces-Liberation
of the People, and the heretofore unknown Popular Militias.
in recent years, the underground organizations issued a flurry of communiqués during the past week variously calling
on the public to unite for justice, practice self-defense, and enact "popular justice."
The ERPI claimed a short video posted on YouTube [last] week, that showed a masked and uniformed man, situated in
a room adorned with a Mexican flag and pictures of historic revolutionary heroes, reading a communique that announced the
formation of the September 26 Justice Brigade. The Brigade is to go after Guerreros Unidos, the drug cartel widely accused
of orchestrating the attack on the Ayotzinapa students in cahoots with fugitive Iguala Mayor Jose Luis Abarca's municipal
The ERPI likewise accused the New Left faction of the Party of
the Democratic Revolution (PRD), of which Abarca belongs, of complicity in the attack on the students. The name September
26 Justice Brigade is reminiscent of the old Campesino Justice Brigade of Lucio Cabanas' Poor Peoples Party that waged
an armed struggle in the Guerrero mountains back in the early 1970s.
October 9, Mexican Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam said four more people had been arrested in connection with the massacre,
including the reputed leader of Guerreros Unidos and brother-in-law of Mayor Abarca, Salomon Pineda Villa, bringing the total
number of detained suspects to 34.
"You can be sure that the objective
is to detain all of the people involved, and for the mayor, his wife and other functionaries to be presented as witnesses,"
Mexico's top cop added that four new clandestine graves
had been discovered in the Iguala area, where a mass burial site containing the remains of 28 burned bodies, possibly belonging
to the Ayotzinapa students, was uncovered. Murillo, however, repeated the government position that it was still too early
to confirm whether any of the remains were of the kidnapped students.
week's end the protests for the Ayotzinapa students continued during a visit by President Enrique Peña Nieto to
Aguascalientes, when 300 students from the local rural teachers' college demonstrated on the 100th anniversary of the
1914 Revolutionary Convention that was convened in the city.
Sources: El Universal, October 9, 2014. Article by Doris Gomora. Arrobajuarez, October 9,
2014. Nortedigital.mx, October 8, 2014. La Jornada, October 7, 8, 9 and 10, 2014. Articles by Claudio Bañuelos, editorial
staff and correspondents. La Jornada (Guerrero edition), October 9, 2014. Article by Margena de la O. El Sur, October 9, 2014.
Articles by Lourdes Chavez, Proceso and the Reforma news agency. Proceso/Apro, October 8 and 9, 2014. Articles by J. Gil Olmos,
A. Rodriguez, M. Tourliere, correspondents and editorial staff. El Diario de Juarez, October 8, 2014. Cedema.org
Reprinted with authorization from Frontera NorteSur, a free, on-line, U.S.-Mexico border news source; translation FNS.
Frontera NorteSur (FNS)
Center for Latin American
and Border Studies
New Mexico State University
Las Cruces, New Mexico