Monday, June 16, 2008
In Mexican Politics, Problems Persist yet there is Hope
By Carlos
Luken
The
Mexican political ground was rocked by a newsflash that unemotionally announced the dismissal of Senate majority leader Santiago
Creel, from the leadership post, by his National Action Party’s (PAN) executive committee.
The
unexpected bulletin surprised many fellow senators, congressmen and party members; after all, Creel was a former contender
for PAN’s presidential candidacy in 2005 (losing to Felipe Calderon, who subsequently won Mexico’s presidency
in 2006). Creel also ran for mayor of Mexico City, and as one of PAN’s most recognizable figures he has been seen as
a standard bearer for the party’s 2012 presidential nomination.
Creel
also holds the Mexican Senate’s presidency (a rotating arrangement that allows all political parties to occupy it eventually).
He will continue to hold his Senate seat (for which he was elected), and he may also continue as Senate president until the
new session begins.
The
straightforward bulletin and press conference delivered by national party chairman German Martinez Cazares apparently left
no room for conjecture as to the sack’s legitimacy, or as to who is running the party.
But
did it?
Speculation
immediately developed, suggesting that Calderon was tightening his reign of power and that Creel was being unceremoniously
removed from the political arena in order to improve the future chances for Juan Camilo Mouriņo, Mexico’s Secretary
of the Interior (a position reputed to be the second most powerful in the nation, behind the presidency, and ironically held
by Creel during the Vicente Fox administration).
Allegations
of political payback also surfaced, contending that German Martinez (allegedly under Calderon’s orders) was settling
scores because of Creel’s disregard to Calderon and Martinez during party campaigns.
It was
also openly rumored that Martinez (again presumably following Calderon’s instructions) was taking revenge against former
PAN president Manuel Espino, who openly backed Creel for the nomination and proved to be a hindrance in the beginning of the
Calderon administration. Espino’s term as party chairman ended, and he was unceremoniously dumped as Martinez won the
party election by a wide margin.
Two
months ago, Mexico’s Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) held its national convention to elect a chairman, and
to prepare the party’s organization and machinery for the 2009 mid-term elections and 2012 presidential campaign.
The
PRD’s convention was a political nightmare, during which two opposing factions bitterly attacked each other (one allegedly
fashioned by former candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, and the other by party idealists purportedly steered by Cuauhtemoc
Cardenas). The convention outcome was never clear as both candidates simultaneously declared victory, only to have the voting
overturned as electoral authorities intervened and ordered a vote by vote recount. To date the outcome continues uncertain.
Although
less visibly, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) is also having problems. Party leader Beatriz Paredes is trying
to play down the muscle flexing antics waged by factions eyeing the 2012 presidential election, most notably those led by
current senator and former Sonora governor Manlio Fabio Beltrones, who during his recent Senate presidency hoarded attention
away from the party head and regularly overstepped his boundaries. The other group is led by sitting PRI governors, who feel
they also have presidential possibilities. Foremost are the State of Mexico’s Enrique Peņa Nieto; Sonora’s Eduardo
Bours; and Nuevo Leon’s Natividad Gomez.
Both
factions are obstructing the chairwoman’s efforts to unify the party and win a convincing victory in 2009, as she hopes
to have the PRI repositioned as a primary political force before the 2012 presidential election process begins.
After
decades of political infancy, during which all political activities were purposely dwarfed, it’s only natural for Mexicans
to have doubts and cynical speculations regarding any important outcome that originates from within the parties. However I
feel that in order to expect progress we must begin looking at Mexico with a fresh viewpoint.
Political parties are associations of persons with similar ideologies but different
opinions on how to achieve their objectives. Dialogue and argument are not only healthy but expected, however imposition is
not.
Call
me a dreamer but I choose to believe that it’s possible that German Martinez and the PAN’s executive committee
really did fire Santiago Creel because of inability; that organizationally the PRD finally resolved to stop doing Lopez Obrador’s
bidding; and that the PRI’s hierarchy will eventually prevail over ambitious power groups.
The
parties are beginning to demonstrate some initiative and autonomy, and they are making efforts to dislodge themselves from
traditional restraints that have obstructed progress. Although the steps are small and confused, it’s possible that
a rally has started and that eventually – with all their imperfections – Mexican political parties may become
genuine democratic means for citizen expression and participation.
——————————
Carlos Luken, a MexiData.info columnist, is a Mexico-based businessman and consultant.
