Monday, January 28, 2008

Regrettably Press Freedom in Mexico is Sliding Downhill

By Patrick Corcoran

The famous Mexican intellectual Daniel Cosío once referred to the nation’s mid-century media as “a free press that doesn’t make use of its freedom.”

Such is plainly not the case now, for whatever its flaws the Mexican media are committed to exercising their freedom. But while the press no longer extensively censors itself, others are eager to do just that.

The latest example is the recent exit of Carmen Aristegui from W Radio.

The details are cloudy, but the fundamentals of the case are not in dispute. Aristegui, among the nation’s most popular and respected journalists, was forced out of her position hosting a daily radio show (although she does still appear weeknights on the Spanish-language version of CNN). Aristegui isn’t known as being partisan or particularly anti-government, and although some of her work has ruffled powerful feathers she is the essence of an objective reporter.

Another notorious case of abuse against the press was the kidnapping of Lydia Cacho, who resides in Oaxaca, by Puebla Governor Mario Marín, a response to the former implicating friends of the latter in a child pornography ring. (Ironically, the famously sordid phone call between Marín and a pedophile-protecting buddy was first made public on Aristegui’s program.) The kidnapping, repugnant enough on its own, precipitated the Mexican Supreme Court’s inexplicable November ruling that Cacho’s human rights hadn’t been violated, and Marín could therefore not be investigated.

Conspiracy theories abound as to why Aristegui and Cacho were punished for doing their jobs. The fact that the brother-in-law of President Felipe Calderon took a post at W Radio’s parent company in the months after Calderon’s election spurred speculation that Calderon was behind Aristegui’s ouster.

Another unsubstantiated but somewhat logical theory holds that Calderon encouraged the now-infamous Supreme Court decision that let Marín off the hook in exchange for legislative support from Marín’s Institutional Revolutionary Party, the PRI.

Whatever the case, there is little doubt that either woman would have been bothered had they been less aggressive in practicing their craft.

Structural changes in the political system have also had an adverse impact on the press.  Like last summer’s electoral reforms that included, among other troubling provisions, a prohibition on political speech for several weeks preceding elections – precisely when objective voices are most needed.

To top it off, Mexico remains one of the most dangerous places in the world for journalists to practice their profession, behind Iraq but neck-in-neck with Colombia for second place worldwide. Twelve journalists have been killed for their work in the past two years, and many more, including American reporters, have been scared off their beats by death threats. The main reason for Mexico’s dubious distinction is drug cartels targeting journalists who write about their business. The effect goes beyond the tragedy of the dead; for every murdered or disappeared reported, countless others are cowed.

Members of the press often adopt an apocalyptic tone when discussing limits on press freedom, which often seems overblown in retrospect. But taken together, the above events represent an illiberal trend. A free press is essential to any free country, but perhaps even more so here, given Mexico’s litany of security threats and the upcoming slew of reform legislation. Mexicans need an independent analysis of the various reforms, as well an accounting of the billions of dollars that should start rolling in once the Mérida Initiative is formalized this spring.

El Universal columnist Macario Schettino says that the next few months will determine the country’s path for decades to come. And if the process is to include public understanding and approval, an aggressive press is vital.

A lot of the blame for the deteriorating environment has been laid at President Calderon’s feet. Many of the attempts to tar him are overstated; as far as we know, he’s not the immediate cause of any of the above. But while he may not be directly responsible, Calderon has not done a great deal to remedy the situation. He didn’t shoot down the alarming restrictions on the press included in the electoral reforms, nor did he condemn the Cacho decision.

Were Calderon so inclined, incorporating support for the media into his daily speeches would have a powerful effect. Those concerned about the degeneration of press freedom in Mexico are waiting to see where the president stands.

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Patrick Corcoran, a MexiData.info columnist, is a writer who resides in Torreón, Coahuila.